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CHAPTER 10: THE NEW ASTRONOMY

The most fateful human invention was the lens. The lens destroyed the world into which it was put.

Wendell Johnson

      Authors have wondered whether Digges studied the stars telescopically, but have neglected to ask whether he looked at the Sun, Moon, and planets. Stars are common celestial objects distinguished by brightness and color, but planets attract attention in other ways and are just as intriguing. The proposition deserves testing.

Omens.

      In 1.1 of Q2, Horatio speaks of dreaded events:

In the most high and palmy state of Rome,
A little ere the mighty Julius fell,
The graves stood tenantless and the sheeted dead
Did squeak and gibber in the Roman streets.

These echo the words of Caesar's Calpurnia that “graves have yawned and given up their dead” and “ghosts did shriek and squeal about the streets.” Horatio continues (1.1.117-20):

As stars with trains of fire, and dews of blood,
Disasters in the Sun; and the moist star,
Upon whose influence Neptune's empire stands,
Was sick almost to doomsday with eclipse.

These are “harbingers ... and prologue to the omen coming on” (1.1.122-3). Interpretation of these passages is difficult if only because 1.1.117-8 are incomplete. However, “Dews of blood” does immediately precede and belong with “disasters in the Sun,” suggesting a relationship between blood and the royal Sun.
      The impending calamities involve the Sun and a lunar eclipse and the ominous tone forewarns of the deaths of Hamlet and Ophelia. Hamlet figures prominently in the next scene (1.2) and Ophelia in the one thereafter, and both omens are associated with celestial excess. Hamlet's being too much in the Sun is a pun on his being “too much” the “son” of Old Hamlet; but an equally apt interpretation of this solar excess concerns the integrity of the royal body. In “disasters in the Sun,” the word “disasters” is a plural noun, referring to multiple events of some kind that involve the Sun. “Disasters in the Sun” are likely not analogous solar eclipses because the solar “disasters” are plural whereas the lunar “eclipse” is singular.

Plasma.

      Perhaps the phenomenon of sunspots serves as Hamlet’s omen. Sunspots can exceed tens of thousands of kilometers in size, large enough to encompass several Earths. The larger ones are readily visible to the naked eye when atmospheric conditions reduce the sun's glare. Sunspots form because the Sun's outer layers are in a state of convective turbulence, which generates magnetic fields. Sometimes the fields become so strong that they burst out from the deeper layers and affect the appearance of the visible surface. Magnetic fields inhibit the motion of plasma and thus diminish convection, so the surface gases cool because the hot plasma from below does not replace the cooler surface plasma at the same rate as occurs elsewhere on the surface of the Sun. The resulting areas are cooler than the surrounding photosphere. Small temperature differences give rise to large changes in radiant flux so that, to the naked eye, sunspots appear dark and black, like holes in the Sun's surface. In fact, William Herschel (1738-1822) believed that sunspots actually were holes in the Sun through which observers could see the solar interior, cold and dark as Erebus. At that time, no one realized the physical impossibility of insulating the solar interior from its surface heat.

Holes.

      Sunspots were known to Charlemagne (742-814) and possibly, to Virgil, and Ptolemy was said to have seen them too. In about 1612, Galileo determined that sunspots are associated with the solar surface and are not some sort of interplanetary phenomenon. He and Harriot observed their relative angular speeds across the face of the Sun and saw that spots always move less rapidly near the rim than near the meridian. This difference results from foreshortening, as spots near the rim of the rotating Sun have less motion across the line of sight than those near the meridian where lateral motion is greatest. By contrast, a passing foreground object would move uniformly across the apparent disk of the Sun.
      By speaking of disasters in the Sun, Shakespeare probably means that they are actually part of the Sun itself and not some foreground phenomenon. Even if the latter were true, he probably would not believe that a transit of some dark body, like the planet Mercury, portends disasters on Earth since there is no analogous superstition or lore. The significance of the preposition “in” in “disasters in the Sun” is apparent also when Hamlet says to Horatio that many things exist in heaven and in earth, not on Earth. Since sunspots look like holes in the skin of the Sun and since the Sun represents kingship both in the sky and on Earth, one might expect that holes pertain to all claimants to the throne. In fact, Claudius, Hamlet, and Laertes all suffer puncture wounds.

    Shakespeare is unlikely to engage in guesswork and must have had excellent empirical evidence if he meant us to take in the Sun literally. The word “in” carries weight disproportionate to its length, but we are not dismayed because Shakespeare often makes weighty pronouncements with little fanfare. The present hypothesis suggests that the lunar eclipse and solar sunspot disasters together foretell the deaths of Ophelia and Hamlet, the former by drowning, the latter by wounding.

Cytherea.

      From the outset, Ophelia's father and brother oppose her romantic involvement with Hamlet. In 1.3, just before he departs for France, Laertes inundates Ophelia with brotherly advice. He speaks of Hamlet's amorous interests and advises her not to take matters of the heart too seriously in light of Hamlet's youthfulness. In keeping with mythology, Shakespeare relates love and chastity to their respective deities, love (1.3.5-28) to Venus, and chastity (1.3.29-44) to the Moon. Laertes begins by addressing the subject of love in general (1.3.11-14):

... nature crescent does not grow alone
In thews and bulk, but as this temple waxes
The inward service of the mind and soul
Grows wide withal.

In other words, growing up is not just a matter of physical size because, as the body grows, so the inner life of mind and soul must develop too.
      The word “crescent” pertained originally to the waxing Moon regardless of phase, but, by 1578, it had come to mean the illuminated shape when the Moon is less than half full (OED). In the passage above, most editors avoid connecting the word “crescent” to the Moon, no doubt, because they know that the issue is love, which is the province of Venus, whereas, as noted, chastity is the province of the Moon. One editor throws caution to the wind (Martz 1.3.11n) perhaps because, before now, it had been inconceivable that Shakespeare would make such a reference to any celestial body but the Moon. The implicit assumption is that, in the sixteenth century, the Moon was the only Ancient Planet known to have crescent phases, but Shakespeare makes it abundantly clear that the immediate context is love, not chastity, and, in so doing, he intentionally associates the process of waxing with Venus, not the Moon.
      Shakespeare's description of a crescent shape agrees with the description of a change of shape in which “love” (i.e., Venus) “waxes” and “grows wide.” The waxing process involves phases that change from New, via crescent, to First Quarter, and then to gibbous and Full, this order being reversed in the waning phase. Shakespeare refers to the complete waxing phase from crescent to gibbous as a “widening.” He did not use the term “gibbous,” which refers to the phase between quarter and full, since this technical term entered the English language only in 1690 (OED).
      Since the phases of Venus correlate with its position with respect to the Sun, Venus shines by reflecting sunlight just like the Moon. A further consequence is that Venus shows a full range of phases as it “grows wide” only because it circles the Sun. Galileo reached the same conclusion in 1610, after he observed all phases with his spyglass. Venus would not manifest a full range of phases if it orbited the Earth and, if it were to lie always between the
Earth and the Sun, it would never show gibbous phases, and conversely, if it were always farther away than the Sun, it would never show crescent phases.
      Shakespeare would not have asserted positively that Venus shows the full gamut of phases without empirical evidence. If not telescopically, could the naked eye have provided it? The appearance of Venus is best discerned when its angular size is largest, i.e., when it is close to Inferior Conjunction, yet sufficiently far from the Sun in angular distance to render it visible in the twilight. The optimal angular size falls in a range of about ½ to 1 arc minute, which is the stated range of the minimum resolvable angle for ordinary visual acuity corresponding to 20/10 or 20/20 vision. Resolution could exceed this when the eye seeks to locate an element relative to another of the same target, in which case the so-called hyperacuity of the eye can have a minimum discriminable angle as small as 2 to 10 arc seconds. Such detections occur through complex neural processes that would need quantification if visual data were to have scientific value, but, in antiquity, there were no studies to assess the capabilities of human eyes and no controlled experimentation to quantify effects of astigmatism, near- and far-sightedness, weather conditions, seeing, and glare.
      Under optimum conditions, the naked eye might barely resolve the image of Venus, and early Babylonian accounts do report that Ishtar (Venus) has “horns,” a shape also seen by keen-sighted contemporary observers. Perhaps, these observations entered lore and manifested themselves in ancient culture. Conceivably, the combined crescent and starlike images on the flags of Muslim countries could represent Venus near Superior and Inferior Conjunction. Moreover, it is more likely that the two images are different representations of the same object than that they are pictures of the crescent Moon and some otherwise unspecified star.
      Even if the characteristic mark of Muslim nations is Cytherean in origin, there is no evidence that such information became part of lore in Europe. Galileo used an anagram, Cynthiae figuras aemulatur amorum (“the mother of love [Venus] emulates figures [phases] of [the Moon] Cynthia”), to establish priority for his discovery of the phases, but would not have done so if the fact were known. If Shakespeare were to have based his text on lore, he would surely have left textual clues to that effect, but none is evident. Neither is there any historical evidence for a progressive change in phase that Shakespeare describes (“grows wide withal”), suggesting that his positive assertion is most likely based on the quality of information that a telescope supplies. It seems reasonable to conclude, therefore, that spotty and generally unverified evidence on Venus from antiquity would not explain the textual clarity of the astronomical descriptions with which Laertes berates his sister.
      The range of phases for Venus is consistent with the Copernican hypothesis but does not prove it because a heliocentric orbit for Venus also supports the Egyptian-Capellan-Tychonic solution. To make the case for the New Astronomy, Shakespeare needs more grounds than this.

Cynthia.

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